Reasons Why They Changed the Word Parents in Early Childhood Books to Families

Psychol Sci. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2022 Sep 1.

Published in final edited form every bit:

PMCID: PMC4567506

NIHMSID: NIHMS700375

The words children hear: Pic books and the statistics for linguistic communication learning

Jessica L. Montag

¹Department of Psychological and Brain Sciences, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana

Michael N. Jones

ⁱSection of Psychological and Brain Sciences, Indiana Academy, Bloomington, Indiana

Linda B. Smith

ⁱSection of Psychological and Encephalon Sciences, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana

Abstract

Young children learn linguistic communication from the speech they hear. Previous work suggests that the statistical diversity of words and of linguistic contexts is associated with better language outcomes. One potential source of lexical diversity is the text of picture books that caregivers read aloud to children. Many parents begin reading to their children shortly after nativity, so this is potentially an important source of linguistic input for many children. Nosotros constructed a corpus of 100 children's picture books and compared word blazon and token counts to a matched sample of child-directed speech. Overall, the picture books contained more unique give-and-take types than the kid-directed voice communication. Further, individual picture books by and large independent more than unique give-and-take types than length-matched, child-directed conversations. The text of picture books may exist an important source of vocabulary for young children, and these findings advise a mechanism that underlies the language benefits associated with reading to children.

The talk that surrounds human infants provides data for language learning. A large literature indicates that talk directed to the child –rather than adult-adult or groundwork talk –is the core data on which early linguistic communication learning depends (e.g., Weisleder & Fernald, 2014). Therefore, studies of the input relevant to early language learning take focused on conversations betwixt parents and children. Major advances have emerged from analyses of the statistical properties of big corpora aggregated over many such conversations (run into Hills, Maouene, Riordan & Smith, 2010; MacWhinney 2000; Ninio, 2011).

Almost relevant to the present research, computational analyses of the child-directed language in these aggregated corpora indicate a cardinal role for the diversity of the input; learnability is enhanced when private words or devices are encountered in diverse contexts and when there is more variety in general in the input information (Jones, Johns & Recchia, 2012; Hills et al., 2010). Studies of individual differences in child-directed language also point to multifariousness in parent talk as a critical predictor of linguistic communication event (Hart & Risley, 1995; Hoff & Naigles, 2002; Hoff, 2003; Huttenlocker, Waterfall, Vasilyeva, Vevea & Hedges, 2010; Pan, Rowe, Singer & Snow, 2005; Rowe, 2012; Weizman & Snow, 2001). Hither nosotros focus on a possible source of lexical diversity in early on learning environments, the text in children's picture books. This is a source that is associated with improved language outcomes for children (Farrant & Zubrick, 2012; Payne, Whitehurst & Angell, 1994; Sénéchal & LaFevre, 2002), but one that has not been systematically studied for its statistical properties.

Infants do not read picture books, but many parents begin regularly reading moving picture books to their infants shortly later on nativity (Deckner, Adamson & Bakeman, 2006; Karrass & Braungart-Reiker, 2005; Young, Davis, Schoen & Parker, 1998). Large representative surveys of parents, indicate that over fifty% of parents of infants aged 0 to v months report reading books to their infant at least once a calendar week and over 25% of parents of infants half dozen to xi months report reading to their baby at least once a day (Young et al., 1998). Other studies bespeak that parents both chat conversationally about the contents of books with their child and also read the text as written (Deckner, et al., 2006; Dickinson, Griffith, Golinkoff & Hirsh-Pasek, 2012; Fletcher, Cross, Tanney, Schneider & Finch, 2008; Mol, Charabanc, de Jong & Smeets, 2008; Ninio & Bruner, 1978; Whitehurst et al., 1998). Thus, the words in kid-directed books are office of child-directed parent talk.

Analyses of the words present in adult-directed conversations and written texts indicate marked differences in vocabulary choice. In an analysis of everyday conversations betwixt adults and a diversity of written text samples, conversations were found to apply relatively few words (93.ix% of all words were contained in a 5,000 word basic lexicon) while the samples of written texts consisted of a more than diverse set of words (84.3% and 88.iv% of the words in the newspapers and books respectively were contained in the basic lexicon), suggesting important differences in the lexical diversity of written and oral communication (Hayes & Ahrens, 1988). If vocabulary differences between kid-directed oral communication and the text in movie books that parents read to immature children mirrors these differences in lexical diversity, and so the language in books may play a meaning and as nonetheless unstudied role in early linguistic communication learning. Further, and as we consider in the General Discussion, if these early books do nowadays dissimilar data for learning than parent-child conversations, then individual differences in shared book reading may play a substantial role in the well-documented individual differences in early language learning and their far-reaching consequences for later language processing (Sénéchal & LaFevre, 2002).

Accordingly, we ask: In terms of the linguistic communication learning data itself, what do early on picture show books provide that everyday conversations may not? We addressed this question past comparing the lexical diversity in parent-child conversations and in the texts of motion-picture show books. Our principle measure out of lexical variety was the number of unique words (types) relative to the total number of words (tokens). The phrase "the cat and the domestic dog" has a total of v discussion tokens, considering the phrase is five words long, and four give-and-take types, because "the" is repeated, yielding four unique words. Type-token counts and ratios are widely used in the study of language development and private differences in type-token ratios in the language-learning environment are predictive of vocabulary development (Huttenlocher et al., 2010; Pan, et al., 2005; Rowe, 2012; Weizman & Snow, 2001).

Methods

The Corpora

Words in Children'S Flick Books

There is no existing corpus of children'south picture books, so we constructed a corpus for our analyses. Our corpus consists of the text of 100 children'southward flick books (68,103 words) that a caregiver might read to infants and very immature language learners. In order to obtain a sample that is representative of the books that parents read to very young children, the titles were selected from lists of librarian-recommended picture show books, amazon.com bestsellers, and circulation statistics from the Infant and Preschool sections of the Monroe Canton (Indiana) Public Library. These are books recommended to parents and read by parents of infants and children 0 to 60 months, and thus inside the age range of the conversational CHILDES corpora. The list of books is provided in Table 1.

Table ane

Books included in the children'southward picture book corpus

A Bad Example of Stripes past David Shannon

A Sick 24-hour interval for Amos McGee past Philip C. Stead

Alexander and the Terrible, Horrible, No Good, Very Bad Twenty-four hour period past Judith Viorst

Angelina Water ice Skates by Katharine Holabird

Are You My Mother? by P.D. Eastman

Arnie the Doughnut by Lourie Keller

Arthur Writes a Story by Marc Brownish

Bawl, George past Jules Feiffer

Conduct Wants More by Karma Wilson

Blueberries for Sal by Robert McCloskey

Breadstuff and Jam for Frances by Russell Hoban

Brownish Acquit, Dark-brown Bear, What Do You Run into? by Bill Martin Jr

Bunny Political party past Rosemary Wells

Caps for Auction past Esphyr Slobodkina

Charlie and the New Baby by Ree Drummond

Chicka Chicka 1-two-three by Bill Martin Jr., Michael Sampson & Lois Ehlert

Chicka Chicka Boom Nail by Nib Martin Jr. & John Archambault

Chrysanthemum past Kevin Henkes

Click, Ballyhoo, Moo Cows that Type by Doreen Cronin

Clifford at the Circus by Norman Bridwell

Cloudy With a Chance of Meatballs past Judi Barrett

Corduroy by Don Freeman

Curious George by H.A. Rey

Curious George Takes a Job by H.A. Ray

Dear Zoo by Rod Campbell

Dinosaur Rescue by Penny Dale

Don't Allow the Pigeon Drive the Bus by Mo Willems

Dragons Love Tacos by Adam Rubin

Duck on a Wheel past David Shannon

Froggy Goes to Bed past Jonathan London

George and Martha by James Marshall

Goldilicious by Victoria Kann

Good Night Gorilla by Peggy Rathman

Goodnight Moon by Margaret Wise Brown

Green Eggs and Ham by Dr. Seuss

Guess How Much I Honey You by Sam McBratney

Harold and the Purple Crayon by Crockett Johnson

Harry the Dirty Dog by Cistron Zion

Horton Hears a Who! by Dr. Seuss

How Do Dinosaurs Say Skillful Night? by Jane Yolen & Mark Teague

How to Railroad train a Train by Jason Carter Eaton

I'm a Big Sister by Joanna Cole

If You Give a Moose a Muffin by Laura Joffe Numeroff

If You lot Give a Mouse a Cookie by Laura Joffe Numeroff

Knuffle Bunny past Mo Willems

Ladybug Girl at the Beach by David Soman & Jacky Davis

Lilly's Purple Plastic Bag by Kevin Henkes

Petty Blue Truck Leads the Way past Alice Schertle

Llama Llama Dwelling with Mama by Anna Dewdney

Llama Llama Red Pajama by Anna Dewdney

Beloved You Forever by Sheila McGraw

Madeline by Ludwig Bemelmans

Maisy Goes Camping past Lucy Cousins

Maisy Goes to the Library by Lucy Cousins

Make Way for Ducklings by Robert McCloskey

Mike Mulligan and his Steam Shovel by Virginia Lee Burton

Miss Rumphius by Barbara Cooney

No, David! by David Shannon

Oh, the Places Yous'll Go by Dr. Seuss

Olivia by Ian Falconer

Olivia… and the Missing Toy by Ian Falconer

Own Moon by Jane Yolen

Pete the True cat: The Wheels on the Passenger vehicle by James Dean

Show Dog past Meghan McCarthy

Stellaluna by Janell Cannon

Sylvester and the Magic Pebble by William Steig

That Is Not a Good Idea! by Mo Willems

The Berenstain Bears and the Green-Eyed Monster by Stan & Jan Berenstain

The Berenstain Bears Forget Their Manners by Stan & Jan Berenstain

The Carrot Seed past Ruth Krauss

The Cat in The Hat by Dr. Seuss

The Mean solar day the Crayons Quit by Drew Daywalt

The Duckling Gets a Cookie!? by Mo Willems

The Gardener by Sarah Stewart

The Giving Tree past Shel Silverstein

The Grouchy Ladybug by Eric Carle

The Hat by Jan Brett

The Keeping Quilt past Patricia Polacco

The Lilliputian Engine That Could past Watty Piper

The Little Business firm past Virginia Lee Burton

The Lorax by Dr. Seuss

The Napping House by Audrey Wood

The Other Side past Jacqueline Woodson

The Paper Bag Princess by Robert N. Munsch

The Pigeon Finds a Hot Dog! by Mo Willems

The Polar Express past Chris Van Allsburg

The Runaway Bunny by Margaret Wise Brown

The Snowy Day by Ezra Jack Keats

The Story of Babar past Jean De Brunhoff

The Story of Ferdinand by Munro Leaf

The Tale of Peter Rabbit

The Truthful Story of the three Little Pigs! past Jon Scieszka

The Very Hungry Caterpillar past Eric Carle

There's an Alligator Under My Bed past Mercer Mayer

This is Not My Hat past Jon Klassen

Train by Elisha Cooper

Trashy Town by Andrea Zimmerman & David Clemesha

When Dinosaurs Came with Everything by Elise Broach

Where the Wild Things Are by Maurice Sendak

Winter Days in the Big Forest by Laura Ingalls Wilder

Words in Child-Directed Conversations

We obtained our sample of child-directed speech communication from the American English language subset of the CHILDES corpus (MacWhinney, 2000). We limited our sample to speech communication to children aged 0–60 months to lucifer the age range to the intended historic period range of the picture books. Our sample was comprised of iv,432 individual conversations (contiguous recording sessions) across a multifariousness of settings for a full of about 6.v million words of voice communication. Nosotros used a version of the CHILDES corpus that had been processed to (ane) remove a number of the special transcription characters and other artifacts of the CHILDES coding system and (two) systematize words with idiosyncratic spellings (east.m. supervene upon all instances of "doggy" with "doggie" to maintain consistent spelling) (Willits & Jones, 2015).

Sampling Procedure

Type-token ratios depend on sample size and therefore cannot exist easily interpreted by a single sample or measure (Sefton & Landry, 1986; Richards, 1987). Accordingly, our principle dependent measure is number of unique word types across multiple sample (token) sizes for child-directed conversational voice communication and child-directed text. To obtain a distribution of type counts as a role of tokens, we randomly sampled sets of words of various sizes from the two corpora.

Picture show Books

The unlike sized random samples were synthetic by taking progressively larger random samples that increased in increments of 100 words. This random sampling was done with replacement, and then each random sample was selected from the total set of all words in the corpus. This process was repeated 100 times for each sample size, yielding 100 different random samples from the full corpus at each selection size. The number of unique give-and-take types was so counted for each sample at each selection size.

Child-Directed Conversations

The CHILDES corpus is much larger than our corpus of motion picture books, so we first needed to obtain an appropriately matched sample of kid-directed conversational speech. To attain this, nosotros randomly selected contiguous segments of CHILDES from the entire vi.five one thousand thousand word corpus with each contiguous segment matched to the length of each of the 100 books in our moving picture volume corpus. We sampled contiguously because the words in a given book are not independent of each other just every bit the words in a conversation are not. If each picture show book could be considered to consist of a single topic then the appropriate comparison conversational child-directed spoken communication is to compare similarly sized segments of single-topic conversations. Our selection method for the CHILDES chat corpus was thus designed to yield a fix of samples comparable to the movie book corpus –as sized samples of topically related words.

This selection method yielded a sample of CHILDES that consisted of the same number of words every bit our picture books corpus. Nosotros and so applied the same sampling procedure we used with our picture books to calculate the number of unique words in child-directed speech communication at increasing sample sizes. Nosotros repeated this sampling procedure 100 times (each time with a new, random, length-matched sample from the entirety of CHILDES) and computed the number of unique word types at each selection size.

Results

Figure 1a below shows the mean number of types (unique words) at each token sample size from both the motion-picture show books and CHILDES. The error bars on the CHILDES plot refer to the range of obtained values across the 100 random iterations through the corpora. No mistake bars are plotted on the Picture Books plot because they are barely visible at this scale. This is entirely expected, because the picture book length-matched samples from CHILDES were selected from almost 6.5 million words, so there was substantially more variability in our CHILDES samples. Despite this increased variability in the CHILDES sample, the give-and-take type counts of CHILDES were substantially lower than and nigh completely non-overlapping with that of the movie books. When comparing type counts in paired book and text samples (eastward.g. the showtime sample of 100 book tokens and the offset sample of 100 speech tokens, the second sample of 100 book tokens and the second sample of 100 speech tokens), at a token size of 100, in only 9 of the 100 random samples of speech and text was the number of unique types on speech higher than the number in text and at a token size of 200, in only two of the 100 samples of speech and text were there more unique word types in speech. In all other comparison pairs, non only in that location were more unique discussion types in the samples fatigued from text, but in all samples of 300 tokens or greater, the ranges of unique type counts in samples of spoken communication and books were completely non-overlapping. These estimations of blazon counts in motion picture books and kid-directed spoken communication clearly show that picture books incorporate more unique words at a given sample size than child-directed speech communication.

Figure 1a (left): Mean number of unique words (types) equally a office of number of full words (tokens) in child-directed speech and children'south picture books.

Figure 1b (right): Large black and gray points are the same type and token counts plotted in Figure 1a. Small black dots refer to the individual blazon and token counts of the 100 picture books and small-scale gray dots refer to type and token counts of private conversations in CHILDES.

In the full sample, picture books contained ane.72 times more unique words than did child-directed speech. It is important to notation that the slopes of the lines are dependent upon the sample size from which the samples were drawn, thus they cannot be used to extrapolate the total number of word types a child might hear in a day or year, nor would the ratio of 1.72 remain constant with a different sized sample of books: If nosotros limit our sample to the starting time l books in the sample, the ratio between word tokens and types is ane.58 and limited to the starting time 75 books, the ratio is i.68, suggesting that the ratio would in fact increment with a larger sample of books. What this figure does show is that the words in 100 picture books and the words in a matched sample of kid-directed conversational speech come from different distributions, and the distribution from which the words in picture books are fatigued contains a more diverse set of vocabulary items relative to child-directed oral communication. The implications for language learning are articulate: The language learning data for infants who are regularly read motion picture books by their parents is unlike – more than diverse, a broader sample of the words in the to-be-learned linguistic communication –than would be indicated from child-directed conversational voice communication solitary.

Private children participate in individual conversations about individual topics and parents read children individual books. Thus a relevant question is how the number of unique word types at various token sizes varies across individual books and individual conversations. That is, maybe individual books present no greater diverseness than individual conservations but the aggregate diversity beyond parental reading of many different books is greater than the aggregate diversity across many dissimilar conversations. To better empathize how type and token counts in the individual books and conversations contribute to the observed overall differences in blazon-token ratios, nosotros plotted the overall type-token counts calculated from the randomly sampled speech and text, alongside the blazon and token counts of the 100 books that comprised the corpus besides every bit each of the 4,568 individual conversations that comprise CHILDES (each unique CHILDES file that contains a unmarried contiguous recording). These values are plotted in Figure 1b.

The large black and gray points refer to the mean type and token counts in Figure 1a, merely in Effigy 1b the calibration is zoomed in, enabling the visualization of the type and token counts of the individual books and the private conversations. Outset, and not unexpectedly, both individual books and conversations tend to have fewer types than the mean samples of the same total length. This is expected because pragmatically, books and conversations –if they are coherent narratives –volition exist individually repetitive, so a existent chat of a given length will comprise fewer unique words than a random selection of a similar number of words. Second, private books typically (but of course not always) incorporate more unique words given the sample size than does a conversation (the small black dots indicating the number of types in individual books are generally above small gray dots indicating the types in conversations). This overall pattern, albeit underestimated past the nowadays relatively small sample of books, is consistent with ii conclusions: (ane) everyday conversations between parents and young language learners are likely be more similar to each other than are the individual books that parents might read to children and (2) the words within a single movie book are (typically) more than diverse than those within a single conversation.

To better ground these results in children'southward experiences, consider that conversations are generally express to hither-and-now content, which limits the range of potential topics of conversation. Further, a chat within an everyday context -- for instance, mealtime – is likely to have repetitive components day in and twenty-four hour period out. Dissimilar conversations, books are not limited by here-and-now constraints; each book may be more different than the others in topic or content, with each new book opening new domains for discovery and new words. These analyses suggest that although individual books oftentimes have more diverse words than do private conversations, the primary reason that book-reading to infants results in a greater diversity of words in the input appears to be because different books sample the words in the linguistic communication more than broadly than do different do different conversations. Thus, shared book reading, which often begins in infancy, creates a learning surroundings in which infants and children are exposed to words that they would never have encountered via speech communication alone. By providing different statistics than everyday child-directed conversations, shared book reading may play an important part in early language conquering.

Discussion

Everyday speech, perhaps because it is constrained by the here-and-now context (Snow & Ninio, 1986) and by the memorial processes that select the words that are produced (Hayes, 1988; encounter Dell, 1986; Griffin & Ferreira, 2006 for word of the processes that underlie spoken language production) has been repeatedly shown to be more limited in its sampling of language than written prose. The present written report shows that the diversity difference between chat and text besides applies to kid-directed speech and the kid-directed language in moving-picture show books. When parents read picture books to infants, the books both brings the exotic into the here-and-at present and, via the text, support the production of a set of less common words. The distributional differences betwixt picture books and child-directed speech documented past the present analyses suggest that shared book reading creates an environment in which children are exposed to more unique words than they would be through speech alone. This finding not only informs the information set on which early word learning depends, but may provide important insights into private differences in early linguistic communication learning, and early differences that are known to be related to later linguistic communication processing, literacy, and school performance more generally (Coach, Ijzendoorn & Pellegrini, 1995; Deckner et al., 2006; Scarborough, Dobrich & Hager, 1991; Sénéchal & LaFevre, 2002).

The extant evidence indicates that book reading to infants is common across large segments of the parent population, but is past no ways universal (Bradley, et al., 2001; Raikes et al., 2006; Yarosz & Barnett, 2001; Immature, et al., 1998). Further, the likelihood of reading to infants and preschool children varies systematically with socio-economic status (Bradley, et al., 2001). Therefore, variability in the frequency with which caregivers read to young children may be an of import source of private differences in language ability. It is well established that the variability in the amount of spoken linguistic communication that a kid hears contributes to private differences in language abilities, with lexical multifariousness strongly linked to more rapid vocabulary growth and to afterwards language acquisition (Hart & Risley, 1995; Hoff, 2003; Hoff & Naigles, 2002; Hoff-Ginsberg, 1991; Huttenlocker, et al., 2010; Pan, et al., 2005; Rowe, 2012; Weizman & Snow, 2001; Weisleder & Fernald, 2014). Hence, parent spoken communication that is generated in the context of shared book reading may be a primal cistron of observed private differences in language ability among young children and as well a potential intervention for increasing lexical diversity in the learning environments of children (Sharif, Reiber & Ozuah, 2002).

Given the private differences in the prevalence of shared volume reading across different groups of caregivers (Bradley et al., 2001), the text from books may exist a significant cistron in the linguistic experiences that create the well-documented differences in early linguistic communication experiences. Young et al. (1998) and Raikes et al. (2006) both notice that the modal trend (about 50%) for caregivers of 12 to 36-month-old infants is to read to their children at to the lowest degree daily, but some caregivers report reading equally many as multiple times per twenty-four hours while others never read to their children at all. The mean book length in our sample was 680 words—which we round down to 600, to be conservative. At a rate of one book a day, a child would hear over 218,000 words of text in a year. At the rate of two books a day (Deckner, et al., 2006), the kid would hear over 436,000 words of text a year. The average kid recorded by Hart and Risley (1995) heard almost vii.3 1000000 words of speech a year, so for a typical child read to in one case a day, about 3% of their linguistic input would exist from the text of picture books. For a child read to twice a day, the guess is nigh 6%. These estimates of speech from text may exist even higher when considering only child-directed speech, which recent work suggests is a better predictor of language learning than all ambience speech communication (Shneidman, Arroyo, Levine & Goldin-Meadow, 2013; Weisleder & Fernald, 2014). Estimates of child-directed speech communication from Shneidman et al. are consistent with the estimates we report to a higher place, but if, equally Weisleder and Fernald estimate, children from low-SES families hear about 6,000–seven,000 words of kid-directed speech a day, a single book would comprise nearly 10% of their linguistic input. Of grade the advantage of adding flick books to the language learning surroundings is not necessarily in more words per se, but in the increased diversity of those words relative to conversational speech.

The linguistic communication experience that derives from the text of picture books may be particularly of import in calorie-free of the linguistic properties of this text and the social context in which this text appears. Due to the higher number of unique word tokens, the contextual diversity of the moving-picture show book text is higher, which is associated with improve learning (Hills et al., 2010; Jones et al., 2012) then the text of picture books may offering especially good language learning data. Further, shared book reading is characterized by frequent instances of joint attention (Fletcher et al., 2008; Ninio & Bruner, 1978), which are known to be particularly expert language learning contexts for children (Farrant & Zubrick, 2012; Tomasello & Farrar, 1986). Despite beingness a small percentage of the total input, the text of picture books may exist unduly important for children's language development.

One aspect of shared book reading we accept not addressed is the repetition of books. Caregivers often read the same books to children many times, and the repetition of books would decrease the overall type-token ratio of the language input. Of course, child-directed oral communication is repetitive likewise, with similar words used across multiple instances of, for example, mealtime or dressing. With our data, we cannot compute the true blazon-token ratios in text of picture books or child-directed speech that a child might come across. What we do definitively show is that the text of children'due south picture books contains more unique word tokens than a properly matched sample of kid-directed speech.

The present results direct links the benefits of early book reading to language conquering. A very large literature shows that homes in which shared book reading is common are associated with increased vocabulary for children (Farrant & Zubrick, 2012; Fletcher et al., 2008; Karrass & Braugart-Rieker, 2005; Sénéchal & LaFevre, 2002; Payne, et al., 1994; Sharif, et al., 2002), and with greater success in learning to read and later literacy (Motorbus, Ijzendoorn & Pellegrini, 1995; Deckner et al., 2006; Scarborough, Dobrich & Hager, 1991). There are a number of hypotheses for why reading to children may be associated with these benefits. Some hypotheses emphasize the pleasant and comforting social aspects of shared book reading (Baker, Scher & Mackler, 1997). Other hypotheses emphasize the extra-text caregiver-child dialogue that book reading generates (Deckner, et al., 2006; Fletcher et al., 2008; Mol, et al., 2008; Ninio & Bruner, 1978; Whitehurst et al., 1998), that books are not limited to discussion of concrete and present items and events (Snow & Ninio, 1986) and the narrative structure of books (Sulzby, 1985). All these factors probable contribute. The documented differences in lexical diversity provide a directly and testable path –though language learning itself. The bottom line from a parent's perspective is the same –read to your infants and children. For theorists of language acquisition, voice communication derived from text may beneficially aggrandize the data assail which language learning depends.

Acknowledgments

This piece of work was supported past NIH Grant T32 Hard disk drive-07475.

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Source: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4567506/

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